After the fall of the Berlin Wall, political philosopher Francis Fukuyama famously declared the “end of history,'' signifying the victory of liberal democracy as the ultimate political system. But many overlooked his more nuanced conclusions. This could lead to what Nietzsche called “the last man,” a condition in which humanity, freed from great struggle, descends into mediocrity and boredom. Ideological solutions can mean cultural stagnation and severe mental malaise.
Once upon a time, the age-old tension between oral and written cultures redefined history. Writing allowed for intergenerational transmission while reducing the commonality of reminiscences. Reliance on external records and individual interpretations has diminished the importance of shared rituals and lived experiences in understanding the past.
This change is evident in today's heated debates over history education. In the United States, initiatives like the 1619 Project, the regular alteration and concealment of controversial history by federal archives, debates over Confederate monuments, the interpretation of January 6th, and social media in shaping collective memory. The roles of these individuals all reflect an urgent attempt to control conflicting realities. The rise of terms like “alternative facts” highlights the continuing struggle for control of truth. Memories are sales pitches, carefully curated and manipulated to favor the latest grievances. Nostalgia compensates for what is not true. Without evidence, it's easy to glorify “simpler times.”
The founders lived in difficult times. However, considering taxes, it would have been easier to remain a British colony. Jefferson and Hamilton were bitter rivals, differing over freedom, equality, and federal power. Both supported a two-party system. Both disagreed with George Washington, who believed that political parties meant sectarianism. Debate over the Articles of Confederation stalled, and widespread conflict and rebellion, most notably Shays' Rebellion, exposed the document's fundamental weaknesses. Still, subsequent constitutions that attempted to address these issues narrowly avoided bloodshed and achieved ratification by a narrow margin. Passage of the bill was marked by heated debate and concerns about violent civil unrest. Early versions of today's fallbacks took too many risks to “just get by.”
Before the Civil War, the Know Nothing Party, officially known as the American Party, was a prominent political force involving presidents, members of Congress, and business leaders. People often cite the Civil War as the culmination of national turmoil. By examining the fundamental tensions that shaped our nation's founding, we can better understand its root causes and today's “polarization.”
Struggles over history, memory, and identity are inherent crises of democracy. Political conflict and deep divisions are not signs of failure, but essential aspects of democratic life that require resilience and fortitude. Without them, democracies become the same tyranny: unchallenged monotony that stifles growth and silences dissent.
The former slave politician Frederick Douglass probably agreed that “there will be another time like ours.” He spoke of democracy as a bold promise, not just a form of government but a way of life. Here are his words: “Those who profess to love liberty, but despise agitation, want crops without tilling the ground; they want rain without thunder; they want the terrible roar of many waters. “Democracy, like freedom, can only be sustained by people who work in the storm and resist the illusions of quiet times.''
Nietzsche described the “last man” as having been freed from great struggle and fallen into mediocrity. Frederick Douglass believed that democracy could return us to the great struggles that shaped us. “What we need is fire, not light.”
notes and reading
Federalist No.10 – as the principal author of federalist documentespecially No.10Madison discusses the need for democratic institutions to be open to discord and division, so that they remain exposed but also malleable. To combat factionalism, Madison advocates for a larger republic where diverse interests can balance each other so that no single faction has a monopoly.
The end of history and the last man – Francis Fukuyama (2006). The modern classic has been updated with a new afterword. – Fukuyama is an American political scientist, political economist, international relations scholar, and author. (Stanford)
Orality and literacy: the technologicalization of language (1982) – Walter J. Ong, SJ (St. Louis University). A foundational work in the study of communication, linguistics, and cultural anthropology, it is highly regarded for its insights into how the transition from oral language to reading and writing shapes the ways we think, remember, and interact.
The American Revolution: A History of the Continent, 1750-1804 (2016) and The Enemy Within: Slavery and War in Virginia, 1772-1832 (2013) – Alan Taylor (University of Virginia). Taylor honors competing narratives and incorporates diverse perspectives that highlight the complexity of early American history. Focusing on the complex intertwined issues of slavery, war, and regional tensions, Taylor offers a fresh and critical look at early American history.
“I don't know anything.” – Party members, when asked about their activities, often claim to “know nothing”, hence the name. They disagreed over slavery, favoring both sides. The “Know Nothings” were much more important than their nickname suggested.
The Essential Douglass: Selected Writings and Speeches – Edited by Frederick Douglass, with foreword by Nicholas Buccola, Claremont McKenna (2016).
“Those who profess to love freedom but denounce agitation…” In his “Emancipation of the West Indies” Speech (August 4, 1857, Canandaigua, New York),
“What we need is fire, not light.” “What is Independence Day to the Slave?'' or Independence Day Address (July 5, 1852, Rochester, New York).
About 2 + 2 = 5: https://williamgreen.substack.com/about – revision
Leave a Reply